As part of the current Coalition government’s deficit reduction strategy, October’s Comprehensive Spending Review handed local government the toughest financial settlements across the public sector. This budget cut was passed down to local authorities with Manchester City Council receiving one of the harshest and unfair financial settlements - compounded by the loss of substantial additional funding which reflected the level of deprivation in the city - resulting in a front-loaded budget cut of 25%.

Manchester City Council recently announced a plan to make these savings - £109 million in the next financial year and £170 million in the following year-  proposing: the cutting of 2000 jobs, 17% of the current workforce; a cut in children’s services of 26%; 21% in adult services; along with the closure of public toilets, libraries, leisure centres and swimming pools. The council has been attacked by central government, for making party politics by targeting front line services. The council has responded by saying that this level of cuts simply cannot be absorbed through efficiency savings.

One of the swimming pools under threat of closure is in Levenshulme, a diverse and deprived area of south Manchester. Levenshulme is also the place where I live. I have used the baths two or three times a week since I moved to the area nearly three years ago. The baths are always busy and act as a social hub for the area, being well used by a wide cross-section of the community including local primary schools.

On 9 February, following the announcement of the proposed closure, over 150 people gathered outside the baths in a spontaneous protest which received national media coverage. A community email list, Facebook group and online petition were quickly organised. On the Friday of that week, a meeting – attended by over 200 people – was held at the local community centre, Levenshulme Inspire to plan action to save the baths. This action meeting was followed by a protest the following day where over 500 people marched along the high street to the baths. Regular action meetings have been held weekly, other protest and fundraising events have included a ‘swim in’, a banner making workshop, a beacon event which made the link  between the closure of the baths and the Olympic legacy pledge.  A local youth group is now making a documentary about the campaign.

The campaign has been by the community and for the community and particular mention should be made about the activities of the children from local primary schools which regularly use the baths. Pupils made banners, signs – many saying ‘I learnt to swim at Levenshulme Baths’! – but most impressively, several spoke at meetings and presented about the importance of the baths to them and why they should be saved.  

This campaign is undeniably political. But there has been a strong consensus amongst campaigners that it should not be party political. Indeed all three of the main parties have received criticism about the proposed closure. Councillors and local MPs have had an opportunity here to really be champions of the communities they espouse to represent and it is one that shouldn’t be squandered by political point scoring which only angers the community further. Councillors have however listened to this strong campaign from the community and made a u-turn and have now asked officers to find funds for a modern, most cost-effective facility for Levenshulme and to keep the existing baths open until this replacement is available.

The decision to save Levenshulme Baths has been met with a degree of surprise and a great deal of relief and happiness in the community. Moreover, it has given confidence that community action can work even in the seemingly most difficult of economic situations. Being involved in this protest has been inspiring not only for its impact, but for the energy, organisation and enthusiasm of the campaign. The lessons I will take from this campaign are: believe you can succeed, act quickly, get organised, be inclusive and try and make it fun.

The wider campaign against the cuts in Manchester continues with the real concern that whilst Levenshulme Baths may be saved, it is likely that another public service in Manchester will be hit. For all its espoused enthusiasm for community organising and action in the so-called ”Big Society’, the Coalition government is likely to find that much of this action is likely to be resistance to its policies as cuts begin to impact on the lives of ordinary people.

In the last week, three incidents have highlighted the precarious state of the Tory-led Coalition government’s aspiration for the ‘Big Society’:

First, Lord Wei – a life peer with an unpaid role in the Cabinet Office as ‘Big Society Tsar’ tasked with encouraging volunteering – resigned citing the incompatibility of working for free three days a week, earning an income to support his family and spending time with them.

Then, Liverpool City Council, selected as one of four ‘vanguard’ areas for the Big Society’, has withdrawn from the initiative arguing that spending cuts have undermined funding of hundreds of voluntary sector organisations in the city, perceived as vital to delivering ‘Big Society’ objectives.

Speaking today on Radio 4′s, Dame Elisabeth Hoodless, retiring head of the Community Service Volunteers (CSV) - named in the Guardian last year as the ‘Mother of the Big Society’  - has criticised the government for a lack of a strategic approach to delivering the ‘Big Society’ arguing that cuts to public spending are undermining efforts to encourage volunteering and community action.

The ‘Big Society’ is a flagship agenda for the Coalition government, one which Cameron has personally aligned himself to, but it is one that has come in for significant scrutiny and criticism. These recent events seem to dispel the myth that cuts in public spending will act as a catalyst rather than a barrier for the achievement of the Big Society, particularly in areas of social disadvantage where capacity in the voluntary sector may be more limited and where individuals already juggle work and family commitments.

The values of mutualism featured strongly in the Conservative and Liberal Democrat manifestos at the 2010 General Election and specific policy pledges have since been made by the Coalition government to help develop public sector staff to develop employee-owned mutuals and co-operatives to deliver public services. This interest in mutualism is driven by the Coalition Government’s flagship agenda of the ‘Big Society’. By giving public sector workers a right to form mutuals and co-operatives, the government can claim to be making headway with the key themes of the ‘Big Society’ such as devolution of power to communities and offering a greater role in public services for voluntary and community organisations and other civil society organisations. But what impact may this agenda have for the future of the public sector?

As part of the Comprehensive Spending Review in October 2010, George Osbourne gave direct reference to communities running services, owning assets and a new right for public sector workers to form employee-owned co-operatives and mutuals to take over the services they deliver. Following this announcement, in November, Minister for the Cabinet Office, Francis Maude, unveiled new support for public service ‘spin-outs’ in the form of a new information line and web service (Mutuals Information Service), a £10 million investment to help best fledgling mutual reach investment readiness and a ‘Challenge Group’ involving employee-ownership experts to investigate ways to improve regulation. Francis Maude suggested prisons, Sure Start children’s centres and hospitals as examples of services that could become mutuals under the scheme. He hoped that private investors would put money into mutuals and co-operatives and said they may be able to receive financial benefit from doing so.

Is the government actually talking about co-ops? How robust, stable and sustainable is the Government’s approach to co-operatives and mutuals?

As defined by the Mutuals Information Service, mutuals are businesses that are owned by their members; which can operate as employee-owned, co-operative or wider social enterprises. They can include or participate a variety of commercial arrangements, including joint ventures with government or other parties.  Co-operatives are businesses that are fully or majority owned by their members – who may be employees, consumers, others in the community or a mix of these. Co-operatives work on one member, one vote – rather than one share, one vote. Key stakeholders, for example those involved in the umbrella organisation Co-ops UK, have met the Coalition’s interest in mutualism with a wary welcome. Concerns have been voiced over whether examples of ‘co-operatives’ actually are co-operatives, as identified by the principles outlined by the International Co-operative Alliance, or whether they have been labelled as such because of the policy currency of the term. Indeed, the introduction of public sector mutuals comprises a political risk to the public sector services, in that support for mutuals and co-operatives may be highly contingent. The achievement of future policy changes and associated national/ local objectives may contribute to the diminishing of governmental support for mutuals and co-operatives at some point.

 

How can public sector services be mutualised without the fear of diminishing employee rights, pay and terms and conditions?

Concerns have also been voiced over the lack of evidence of success for mutuals and co-ops in the delivering public sector services and so this agenda potentially presents significant risks for the quality of public services delivered. Lack of evidence of success of mutuals leads to key questions on the ‘real’ advantages mutuals have for their employees/ members. The Coalition’s claims ‘ownership, community, freedom, and entrepreneurs’ sound highly appealing, but the lack of evidence detailing the real possibility of these, suggests they are currently unsubstantiated . In fact, evidence on existing mutuals has suggested poor terms and conditions for employees, alongside poor pensions and salaries. There has even been the suggestion of forced membership due to employees feeling threatened or lacking other options but to join in with the mutualisation.

 

How do we ensure accountability in the development of public sector mutualisation?

Research indicates that it seems the Government’s approach to co-ops and mutuals contrasts with the principles outlined by the International Co-operative Alliance. Michael Stephenson, the General Secretary of the Co-operative party, warned that the government’s plans for public service mutuals fails to ensure accountability, a key international principle of mutualism. He argues “local libraries and swimming pools should be controlled by local people, and run in their interest, not just by the service managers”. In addition, transforming public sector services into mutuals or co-operatives takes local authorities out of the loop and thus they already start from a weakened position in terms of formal accountability.

 

How far are mutuals and co-operatives compatible with the public sector?

The opportunity for innovation and entrepreneurialism in the public sector is welcomed by many; with the hope that public sector potential may be unleashed by the development of co-operatives and mutuals. But of course this is process and context dependent; some public sector services may be non-starters for co-operative activity due to lack of capital or the questionability of sustainability. Mutualism can certainly be seen as a bright shining tool in innovating public service delivery, but like any tool, mutuals and co-operatives are only fit for particular purposes.

It has also been stated that there is a commercial risk to setting up co-operative activity in the public sector. There is a fear that once public sector co-operatives have taken on the service delivery and demonstrated the market, at the end of the contract, a private sector tender may be preferred. Market based contracts do not offer favourable tendering conditions for co-operatives. The lack of longer term contracts poses a commercial risk to co-operatives, as does the danger of relying on a single customer.

 

Is mutualism the first stage to marketisation? How can we prevent the fragmentation and further marketisation of public services under these arrangements?

This is perhaps the biggest concern many have towards the mutualisation of public sector services.  Echoing APSE’s Mark Bramah’s previous blog post on mutualism, there was a surge in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s to encourage public sector managers to set up management buy outs, however very few of these survived the competitive market, and passing trends in public policy. What is different in contemporary society? Certainly there are no government strategies as yet which ensure developed mutuals and co-operatives are protected from further marketisation. There is a clear lack of strategy from the government concerning the development of public sector mutuals and co-operatives in the UK. One has to question whether this is deliberate.


The Impact of the Financial Crisis on Local Government and Public Services, by Jo Richardson.

The framework for public local service delivery and governance has shifted dramatically in recent years; this is in light of the recession and ensuing financial crisis, and particularly so since the political changes brought in by the new Coalition government since May 2010.  But, is the changing framework one of cuts to chaos, retraction of the state to riots, or could it possibly be from recession to renewal?

A number of pieces of government apparatus have been spat out of the government ‘toaster’ recently, for example the Audit Commission and the Tenant Services Authority to name just two.  Regulation of local government services has been drastically reduced to a reactive, last-stop mechanism.  In addition, government funded representative organisations have also been threatened, such as the National Tenant Voice who will no longer receive funding.  The removal of regulation and the cutting of funding for ‘voice’ presents a scenario where public service organisations are less scrutinised, and service users have less power to be heard when they do complain.  Cuts could lead to chaos.

Couple the cuts in regulation and voice, with the withdrawal of services, charging additional fees and capping or withdrawing benefits and there is a recipe for public disquiet.  The test case brought by the Disability Law Service (on behalf of McDonald) against Kensington and Chelsea Borough Council, when night-time support services in the home were withdrawn, have wide ramifications for other councils, and a huge impact on the dignity of individual service users.  The new proposals on ‘workfare’ and the capping of housing benefit could leave many with the prospect of having to move from cities that they call home.  Also, the raising of student fees could put a University education beyond the reach of many, and we have seen the reaction during the student protest in London, earlier in November.  Retraction of the state could lead to riots.

However, the financial crisis and the cuts to public sector funding also offer opportunities too.  Firstly, there is the opportunity to learn the lessons from the causes of the recession and to remember that greed in the markets was to blame – not public services.  In our attempts to reduce local government budgets, we should not let current political rhetoric crowd out the facts of the crisis.  Secondly, there is scope to remember the role and rationale for government – do we just deliver public services or do we lead and connect communities?  Third, and finally, is the possibility to empower service users within the new government’s ‘Big Society’ agenda.  If applied meanly, Big Society could equate to ‘Do It Yourself’.  It could be an ideological veneer for an economic solution to withdraw the state from society.  However, if service users and communities embrace ‘Big Society’, and there is evidence that residents are interested (albeit with a healthy degree of scepticism), then it is important to help facilitate this transition in local governance and public service delivery.  Nevertheless, it is vital to hold the government to account if this is really going to work – there cannot be a ‘Big Society’ without investment in education and industry, protection of vulnerable groups, as well as leadership of places and connected communities.  Recession could lead to renewal.

From Recession to Renewal: The impact of the financial crisis on public services and local government. Edited by Joanna Richardson. Published in paperback and hardback by the Policy Press, Bristol.  ISBN 978 1 84742 699 4

jpg of cover page of book Recession to Renewal

A recent funding annoucement by the Cabinet Office Minister, Francis Maude, has reinforced the Coalition Government’s commitment to give public sector workers they right to take over the services they deliver, by forming employee owned co-operatives and mutuals.

http://www.socialenterpriselive.com/section/news/public-services/20101117/all-frontline-staff-given-right-run-services

Mark Bramah, Deputy Chief Executive of the Association for Public Service Excellence (APSE) reflects on whether new mutualism is the way forward for local government

The Coalition Programme for Government in May 2010 made a commitment to give public sector workers a new right to form employee-owned co-operatives and bid to take over the services they deliver. This was followed In August by an announcement by the Cabinet Office Minister Francis Maude of first wave of Pathfinder mutuals, to be run by entrepreneurial public sector staff, who want to take control of their services.

There are a lot of organisations and individuals jumping on the bandwagon of new mutualism at the present time, not least the big consultancy houses who have obviously spotted that there is an opportunity to make more money on the back of an already hard pressed public sector. The push for co-ops  and mutuals does create some very strange bedfellows indeed, but there are echoes of an earlier movement in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s to encourage public sector managers to set up Management Buy Outs (MBOs) very few of which survived the cold blast of competition and the passing trends in public policy.

What is new however is the notion of mutuality being a vehicle for meeting the Government’s deficit reduction strategy. That somehow in an era of draconian cuts in public spending, you can sustain and even improve the performance of public services by empowering the staff to take control of their own services through co-ops and social enterprises. It remains to be seen how many angels can dance on a pinhead, but there is certainly no compelling evidence that co-ops and mutuals are inherently any more efficient or accountable than directly managed services, or that they can save money for the public purse. Indeed there is evidence that banks are reluctant to lend to the co-operative and mutual sector raising doubts about their ability to raise funds for investment.

The devil here is of course in the detail. No amount of evangelising on behalf of social entrepreneurs can avoid the painful reality.  Funding is going to be severely rationed over the coming years and a right to bid for public sector contracts is not a right to avoid competition or the rigour of the EU procurement directives. Cutting each others’ throats to win contracts may prove to be a poisoned chalice for the advocates of new mutualism.

I recall vividly what happened to the co-operatives which were formed in the wake of bus deregulation in the mid 1980’s. They were soon swallowed up by the big private sector bus companies. There are often salutary lessons to be learned from recent history.



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